By Linda Woodhead, Ole Riis
This well timed e-book goals to alter the way in which we expect approximately faith by means of placing emotion again onto the time table. It demanding situations an inclination to over-emphasise rational features of faith, and rehabilitates its embodied, visceral and affective dimensions. opposed to the view that spiritual emotion is a in basic terms inner most subject, it bargains a brand new framework which exhibits how non secular feelings come up within the different interactions among human brokers and spiritual groups, human brokers and gadgets of devotion, and groups and sacred symbols. It offers parallels and contrasts among spiritual feelings in ecu and American heritage, in different cultures, and in modern western societies. by means of taking feelings heavily, A Sociology of spiritual Emotion sheds new mild at the energy of faith to form primary human orientations and motivations: hopes and fears, joys and sorrows, loves and hatreds.
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Additional info for A Sociology of Religious Emotion
Following Erving Goffman, Hochschild imagines social life as a scripted drama in which social actors play different roles, but extends this approach to take account of the ‘feeling rules’ and emotional ‘display rules’ that individuals must follow, and the ‘emotional work’ or ‘emotional management’ that they must perform in order to ensure that their personal feelings conform to the emotional scripts of society (Hochschild 1983: pp. ix–x). There are expressive norms for the expected display of feelings, but there are also norms of what we should really be feeling ‘deep inside’ (Hochschild 1979).
34 Emotion: A Relational View Barbalet (2002a) complements Kemper in this regard by showing how emotions transmit social structure, directly affecting the status and empowerment of different social groups. Social historians and historical sociologists have also drawn attention to the way in which shifts at societal level have emotional correlates, not by way of a general theory, but by analysing speciﬁc instances. In The Civilizing Process (1939/2000), for example, Norbert Elias draws on earlier historical studies, including those of Huizinga (1924/1955), which suggest that inhabitants of medieval Europe were not subject to the same emotional restraints as later Europeans.
Such a symbol is established and consolidated by repeated convention; its authority is related to that of the religio-political powers that consecrate it; it is tied up with wider patterns of gender relation in family and society; it links to wider liturgical, theological, and historical afﬁrmations. And the connectivity between target and source forges further connections between those who venerate this symbol, between those who depict it and those to whom they communicate and, in the eyes of believers, between heaven and earth.
A Sociology of Religious Emotion by Linda Woodhead, Ole Riis